In a place known for asking “who’s your father?” in order to determine where you fit in the fabric of the province, it’s no wonder that our House of Assembly has seen so many examples of family ties between Members since the first sitting in 1833. The present Assembly alone has at least 9 out of 40 Members who have familial relationships to current or past Members. One of our earliest post-Confederation relationships was between the Smallwoods.
Across Newfoundland and Labrador, the surname Smallwood brings a clear image to mind – complete with dark-rimmed glasses and a colourful bowtie. Premier of Newfoundland and Labrador from 1949 to 1972, Joseph R. Smallwood remains a household name and a pop culture icon. What may not be as well-known is that his son William R. Smallwood followed in his father’s footsteps in 1956 when he became a Member of the House of Assembly at the age of 28 in Smallwood’s Liberal government.
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Manitoba celebrated its 150th anniversary as a province in 2020. The year also marked the 100th birthday of the province’s legislative building. In this article, the author outlines the planned year-long festivities – which were postponed to 2021 due to the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic – and other projects in celebration of these anniversaries.
December 14, 2019 officially kicked off what was to be a year of celebration for Manitoba’s 150th anniversary and the Manitoba Legislative Building’s 100th birthday. Manitoba 150 hosted a free family friendly event outside the Legislative Building that featured snowmobile acrobatics, entertainment for families, and over 300,000 LED lights on and around the Manitoba Legislative Building.
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Parliamentarians are rarely forthcoming about the furtive phenomenon of party discipline. A recent public event at Memorial University of Newfoundland brought together four political mavericks to discuss their experiences with the constraints of party discipline. Two of them were sitting members of parliamentary assemblies who in 2019 accomplished the rare feat of being elected as an Independent. The discussion was moderated by the Samara Centre for Democracy.
On February 6, Memorial University hosted a public discussion called “Navigating Party Discipline,” sponsored in part by the Royal Society of Canada. Moderated by the Samara Centre for Democracy’s Michael Morden, the St. John’s event brought in a 300-person audience for a frank discussion with four politicians who have experienced first-hand the harsh reality of party discipline in Canada.
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When women backbenchers participate in Question Period and Private Members’ Business, are their interventions gendered? Are they more likely than men to address stereotypically feminine issues and less likely to address stereotypically masculine issues? In this article, the authors investigate these questions by analyzing all of the interventions in Question Period and Private Members’ Business by backbenchers in the 42nd Parliament between September 16 and December 13, 2018. Using software to code the interventions, they determined that the gendered division of labour on stereotypically feminine issues was much more evident in Question Period than Private Members’ Business. While women were no less likely than men to address stereotypically masculine issues, they were more likely than men to intervene on matters considered stereotypically feminine. The authors conclude that judging what these patterns of gendered interventions mean for our political culture and institutions depends on a person’s perspective.
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In 2018, a committee of the Canadian House of Commons conducted an inquiry into how it might better incorporate Indigenous languages in its proceedings. One witness in that inquiry gave evidence from over 15,000 kilometres away, in the Northern Territory of Australia. While many of the challenges faced by speakers of Indigenous languages in Canada and Australia are very different, it appears that each jurisdiction might have something to learn from the other – as indicated by the knowledge shared in 2018. This article advances the project of comparing the Canadian and Australian approach to incorporating Indigenous languages in federal and sub-federal parliamentary proceedings. The analysis will touch upon the symbolic importance of facilitating Indigenous language use in parliament, the practical benefits flowing from the same, and the logistical issues – including interpretation, translation, recording and funding – that arise.
In May 2017, Robert-Falcon Ouellette gave a speech to the Canadian House of Commons on violence within Indigenous communities. Ouellette spoke in Cree, because he wanted to “address the violence in a manner that would be noticed” and to reach the younger population.1 Although Ouellette had contacted the relevant parliamentary office ahead of time and provided the English text of the speech, no simultaneous interpretation was offered from Cree to English. Although Ouellette’s use of Cree did not contravene the Standing Orders, it highlighted the fact that no mechanism existed to have his words simultaneously interpreted so that other Members could understand him. After the speech, Ouellette objected to the status quo and the Standing Committee on Procedure and House Affairs conducted an inquiry into the use of Indigenous languages in House Proceedings and Committees.2 During the course of that inquiry, the Committee received testimony for 31 witnesses, the last of whom gave evidence from some 15,000 kilometres away in Australia. That witness – Michael Tatham, Clerk of the Legislative Assembly of the Northern Territory – explained the extent to which Indigenous languages were then accommodated within the Northern Territory Parliament. This distant Australian witness’ appearance before the Committee, and the inclusion of his evidence in the final report, suggests that – as much as there are significant differences between the obstacles to Indigenous parliamentary involvement in Canada and Australia – there are also potentially some shared experiences. In this article, we hope to outline the current position in Australia with respect to the use of Indigenous languages in Parliament, touching upon the symbolic importance of facilitating Indigenous language use, the practical benefits flowing from the same, and the logistical issues – including interpretation, translation, recording and funding – that arise. In the course of our discussion we focus in particular on recent developments and, where possible, we drawn on comparisons with the Canadian experience.
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The Canadian parliamentary system is based on accepted rules, norms and conventions. Populism denotes a form of governing in which the perceived will of “the people” can be used as a means to challenge the very rules and conventions which underline responsible government. In this article, the author considers the rise of self-styled “populist” regimes in recent years and raises questions as to what extent populism may threaten the traditions and practices of Canada’s parliamentary system, and conversely whether the parliamentary system is capable of acting as a shield against the anti-democratic impulses of populism.
“Everyone knows that on a large scale democracy is pernicious nonsense – a country or even a county cannot be run by a self-seeking parcel of tub-thumping politicians working on popular emotion, rousing the mob.”
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Finding a silver-lining in the COVID-19 pandemic is difficult, but not impossible. The necessity of moving conferences and seminars to digital platforms has opened up new possibilities for participation. In this article, the author explains how the CSPG’s recent virtual offerings have expanded the range of presenters able to participate and created some exciting and informative events.
The Canadian Study of Parliament Group (CSPG) has begun hosting virtual events in response to the COVID-19 pandemic. In October, our annual conference entitled “Perspectives on Legislatures and Legislative Power: Past, Present, Future” brought together presenters from five continents to share their experiences and insights on various aspects of parliamentary institutions. It was the largest and most ambitious CSPG program yet – and the CSPG hopes to build on this with its upcoming seminar programs.
Continue reading “An Update from the Canadian Study of Parliament Group”
Progressive Conservative MLA for Kings Centre Bill Oliver was elected Speaker of the New Brunswick Legislative Assembly on October 7, 2020. Speaker Oliver was acclaimed when the only other candidate, Ross Wetmore, PC MLA for Gagetown-Petitcodiac, withdrew his name from consideration shortly before the vote was set to take place.
First elected to the legislature in 2014 and re-elected in 2018 and 2020, Speaker Oliver served as Minister of Transportation and Infrastructure in the previous parliament.
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Whipped: Party Discipline in Canada by Alex Marland, UBC Press: Vancouver, 2020, 480 pages
Alex Marland’s newest book, Whipped: Party Discipline in Canada, takes a fresh look at the phenomenon of party discipline in Canada’s parliaments. The book focuses mainly on the post-2000 Internet age, and even delves into the dynamics of recent events such as the 2019 SNC-Lavalin affair and partisan operations under the COVID-19 crisis. It is a fresh addition to the study of Canadian politics, written in a clear and accessible tone yet rife with diligent detail and sharp analysis.
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A selection of recent publications relating to parliamentary studies prepared with the assistance of the Library of Parliament (September 2020 – November 2020)
Baroness Taylor of Bolton. “A question of confidence? The Constitution Committee’s view on the Fixed-term Parliaments Act 2011.” Constitution Unit blog 5p., September 18, 2020.
Continue reading “New and notable titles”