Author: revparlc

“Legal Aid for Stuff You Can’t Get Legal Aid For”: Constituency Role Orientations among MLAs in Nova Scotia

This entry is part 7 of 9 in the series Vol 41 No. 3 (Autumn)

“Legal Aid for Stuff You Can’t Get Legal Aid For”: Constituency Role Orientations among MLAs in Nova Scotia

The role of elected members who serve in Westminster Parliaments is contested. While there is an assumption among some academics that the role of elected members is to hold government accountable,1 elected members do not necessarily share this view or act in ways that conform to this role orientation. This article enters the discussion of parliamentary role orientations by addressing the prominence of constituency service work among the attitudes and behavior of Members of the Nova Scotia Legislative Assembly. The author draws on a series of interviews with former MLAs in Nova Scotia where constituency service work emerged as a major theme in the careers of elected members.

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Selection and Appointment of Clerks in Canadian Jurisdictions

This entry is part 6 of 9 in the series Vol 41 No. 3 (Autumn)

Selection and Appointment of Clerks in Canadian Jurisdictions

Clerks hold a critically important position in Canada’s parliamentary assemblies. Yet the path they take to the role is generally not well known or understood. In this article, the author outlines a Clerk’s role and responsibilities, how they cultivate their procedural knowledge, and how the selection and appointment process for position has developed.

Over 40 years ago, I walked through the doors of the Ontario Legislative Building for the very first time. I had just returned from backpacking in Europe, was on my way to university and was in need of a job.

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Parliamentary Rules Concerning Private Members’ Bills

This entry is part 5 of 9 in the series Vol 41 No. 3 (Autumn)

Parliamentary Rules Concerning Private Members’ Bills

A recent trend in Canada’s Parliament has seen an increase in the number and complexity of private Members’ bills (PMBs) that have received Royal Assent. These PMBs frequently go beyond changing the name of a riding or declaring a commemorative day to amend such complex pieces of legislation as the Criminal Code. Given the rise in the number and importance of PMBs, this article poses the question as to whether the rules of Parliament concerning PMBs are fit for the task. Those rules give the government of the day a great deal of control over the progress of its legislation but do not do the same when it comes to a PMB. The relatively few resources allocated to a PMB raises the question as to whether it is taking on more weight than its institutional structure can bear. Some suggestions are offered to ensure that PMBs receive the full and frank discussion they deserve.

A recent trend in Canada’s Parliament has seen an important change in the way public policy is debated and then enacted. This is due to an increase in the number and complexity of private Members’ bills (PMBs) that have received Royal Assent. In the two Parliaments of Brian Mulroney’s tenure as Prime Minister (1984-1993), 32 PMBs received Royal Assent, with 18 of these changing the name of an electoral district.1 By comparison, in the three Parliaments of Stephen Harper’s tenure as Prime Minister (2006-2015), 63 PMBs received Royal Assent, none of which dealt with riding name changes. Not only have the raw numbers of PMBs increased, but they now deal more frequently with amendments to such complex pieces of legislation as the Criminal Code.2 From 1910 to 2005, 13 PMBs were adopted that dealt with criminal justice policy. From 2007 to 2015, this number increased by 20.3 The number that took almost a century to reach was exceeded in less than a decade. Given the rise in the number and importance of PMBs, this article poses the question as to whether the rules of Parliament concerning PMBs are fit for the task.

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CPA Activities

This entry is part 4 of 9 in the series Vol 41 No. 3 (Autumn)

CPA Activities
New Ontario Speaker

On July 11, 2018, Ontario MPPs elected Progressive Conservative MPP Ted Arnott as the Speaker of the Legislative Assembly. Elected on the first ballot, Arnott sought the role alongside Progressive Conservative MPPs Randy Hillier, Jane McKenna and Rick Nicholls.

The MPP for Wellington-Halton Hills was first elected to the Assembly in 1990 and has served continuously since. A former Deputy Speaker, Arnott has been on the Assembly’s Presiding Officers team for 13 of the past 15 years.

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New and Notable Titles

This entry is part 3 of 9 in the series Vol 41 No. 3 (Autumn)

New and Notable Titles

A selection of recent publications relating to parliamentary studies prepared with the assistance of the Library of Parliament (May 2018-July 2018)

Berthier, A. and H.M. Bochel. “Changing Times?: The Shifting Gender Balance of Scottish Parliament Committee Witnesses.” PSA Parliaments Group blog, 5p, March 1, 2018.

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The Pink Palace and Parliamentary Green

This entry is part 2 of 9 in the series Vol 41 No. 3 (Autumn)

The Pink Palace and Parliamentary Green

Associations with royalty, the ‘common man,’ or life and fertility; the demands of television; and personal (or partisan) preference. There are many reasons why Canadian legislatures are decorated with certain shades and hues. In this article, the authors explain why Ontario’s Pink Palace is filled with parliamentary green and how some other Assemblies have used the colour wheel when decorating

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Know Your Mace – Senate

This entry is part 5 of 10 in the series Vol 41 No. 2 (Summer)

Know Your Mace – Senate

The origins of the Senate mace are not precisely known. There is some evidence that this mace was used by the Legislative Council of the Province of Canada from 1841 to 1867. It was probably used even earlier by the Legislative Council of Lower Canada. Portions of the mace seem to date from the early nineteenth century, while other parts are almost certainly of later date.

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The Rise of Partisanship and How it Paralyses Parliaments

This entry is part 3 of 10 in the series Vol 41 No. 2 (Summer)

The Rise of Partisanship and How it Paralyses Parliaments

Partisanship permits groups of like-minded people who share similar ideas to organize themselves efficiently in politics. It’s an accepted and acceptable part of parliamentary democracy. But when hyper-partisanship takes hold in politics it can be detrimental to the way parliamentarians serve their constituents and severely diminish how they see their representatives. In this article, the author reflects on his experiences in Alberta’s Assembly and suggests three ways he, his colleagues, and other parliamentarians across the country can reverse the trend towards hyper-partisanship. First, he suggests parliamentarians treat our political adversaries as colleagues, and seek opportunities to get to know them away from the legislature. Second, he urges parliamentarians to seek options for dealing with legislation in a less partisan, more collaborative environment in committee. Finally, he recommends making a conscious effort to elevate the level of debate, discussion, and decorum in each of our respective Legislatures. This article was originally presented to the 39th Commonwealth Parliamentary Association Canadian Regional Seminar in Charlottetown, on October 11, 2017.

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A Parallel Chamber for Canada’s House of Commons?

This entry is part 6 of 10 in the series Vol 41 No. 2 (Summer)

A Parallel Chamber for Canada’s House of Commons?

The most valuable and perishable commodity one has, as a Member of Parliament (MP), is time. How we use our time in Ottawa and in the riding speaks to the value we bring to the people who elect us. The efficiency of Members’ time is an integral principle throughout our Parliamentary procedures and conventions. Making efficient and effective use the Member’s time in Ottawa is paramount. In this article, the author explores how the creation of parallel chambers in two sister Westminster Parliaments has provided ways to make maximum use of the time MPs have during a parliament to engage in debate and discussion. In addition to streamlining the legislative process and reducing the need and/or use of closure and time allocation, the concurrent chambers have been used to test new proposals for procedures that eventually have been adopted by the main chamber.

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