Category: Feature

A Model Parliament for Canada

This entry is part 4 of 12 in the series Vol 34 No 4 (Winter)

A Model Parliament for Canada

This article proposes creation of a new institution for the training of future legislators and as a laboratory for experimenting with parliamentary reform.

After retiring from active politics I founded the Manning Centre for Building Democracy. Its goal is to raise the knowledge and skill level of practitioners in the political arena. You may be familiar with a couple of our projects. We worked with Carleton University in Ottawa to establish Canada’s first master’s program in political management designed especially for political staffers. We also have a facility in Calgary that we use for training political volunteers. Their work is so important to the operation of our democracy.

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The Speakership: A New Zealand Perspective

This entry is part 5 of 12 in the series Vol 34 No 4 (Winter)

The Speakership: A New Zealand Perspective

Due to elections and retirements half of the Canadian provincial and territorial Speakers have changed since October 2011. While there are differences in the role and standing orders of each jurisdiction there are many more similarities across Canada and indeed throughout the Commonwealth rules. This article looks at how question period, points of order and other issues are dealt within the New Zealand House of Representatives.

The role of the Speaker is inextricably entwined with the evolution of parliamentary democracy, which was so hard fought for over so many centuries in England. King John did not affix his seal to the Magna Carta at Runnymede in 1215 because he had some great vision of democracy. He desperately needed extra taxes for his failed military campaigns and the Barons had had enough. They were not going to pay any more without something in return.

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Inuktitut and Parliamentary Terminology

This entry is part 6 of 12 in the series Vol 34 No 4 (Winter)

Inuktitut and Parliamentary Terminology

The territory of Nunavut came into existence on April 1, 1999 when the Northwest Territories was divided. Among the structures inherited by Nunavut were a consensus-style legislature and a set of legislation, including the NWT’s Official Languages Act, a Languages Commissioner and language services reflecting the needs of the public, government and parliamentarians alike. This article looks at the use of the Inuit language in Nunavut’s Legislative Assembly including the challenge of developing terminology within the parliamentary context.

Language is one of the most prominent and critical issues when it comes to politics and public administration in the north. It affects all areas of service delivery, from health and social services, to education and the expectations of our educational system, to the composition of our labour force and the way business is conducted in the workplace.

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Constitutional Convention and Cabinet Manuals

This entry is part 7 of 12 in the series Vol 34 No 4 (Winter)

Constitutional Convention and Cabinet Manuals

For Canada’s parliamentary democracy to function properly, it is integral that key political actors agree on the fundamentals of our constitution. However, with the recent prevalence of minority governments, this agreement has been called into question. During both the December 2008 ‘parliamentary crisis’ and the 2011 federal election campaign, the Conservative Party of Canada, led by Prime Minister Stephen Harper, appeared to hold markedly different views on key constitutional conventions than those espoused by opposition leaders and constitutional experts. This lack of consensus led some to fear that a situation may arise in the near future in which lack of agreement on conventions governing the Governor General’s reserve powers could plunge Canada into a serious constitutional crisis.

In order to discuss the lack of consensus on Canada’s constitutional conventions and argue why they ought to be codified, it is first necessary to define what conventions are and explain how they fit into our constitutional framework. The difficulty in understanding and interpreting constitutional conventions comes from the fact that they:

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Parliamentarians and National Security

This entry is part 8 of 12 in the series Vol 34 No 4 (Winter)

Parliamentarians and National Security

The Parliament of Canada has traditionally deferred to the government on matters relating to national security although parliamentarians have, on occasion, vied for the task of being actively involved in holding the government to account on these matters. In 1991, parliament conducted a five-year review of the Canadian Security Intelligence Service Act where the Solicitor General of Canada and his officials presented classified summaries to parliamentarians to assist them in their review of the effectiveness of the legislation. In 2004, a National Security Committee of Parliamentarians was proposed in Securing an Open Society: Canada’s National Security Policy. The Speaker’s ruling on the provision of documents of April 27, 2010 also dealt with this issue. This paper examines a number of issues and concerns that have arisen in the past on this issue, and it examines parliamentary review of national security matters in the United Kingdom, Australia and New Zealand. It concludes that there are no reasonable barriers to the involvement of parliamentarians in reviewing matters of national security in Canada.

The notion of parliamentary review of national security matters is not unique to Canada. The United Kingdom, Australia, and New Zealand all have well developed systems to involve parliamentarians in holding the government to account on matters of national security; Canada does not.

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Letters

This entry is part 10 of 12 in the series Vol 34 No 4 (Winter)

Letters

Sir:

A Regional Seats system of election was outlined in a spring 2001 article in this publication. Some recent general elections show the usefulness of the system. In particular, an RS system would provide more diverse party representation in certain areas now dominated by one party or another. One need only consider metropolitan Toronto-Mississauga to see the truth of this.

In the recent Ontario provincial general election, the Progressive Conservatives won no seats in metro Toronto-Mississauga, which was a repeat of their performance in 2007. Of the 28 seats available, the Liberals took 23 in 2011 and 24 in 2007. The same electoral districts are used federally, and the Liberals took 25 or more of the seats in the elections of 2004, 2006 and 2008. Only in the most recent federal election was the outcome any different.

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The Interparliamentary Conference on the Diversity of Cultural Expression

This entry is part 1 of 12 in the series Vol 34 No 3 (Autumn)

The Interparliamentary Conference on the Diversity of Cultural ExpressionVol 34 No 3

Forums and parliamentary associations exercise a growing influence on the international scene, as demonstrated by the “Convention on the Protection and Promotion of the Diversity of Cultural Expressions” under the auspices of the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization. The members of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Francophonie were among the first to demand, as early as the year 2000, an international legal instrument dedicated to promoting dialogue among cultures, an initiative that led to the adoption of the Convention on October 20, 2005. With this in mind the APF and the National Assembly of Québec jointly organized the Interparliamentary Conference on the Diversity of Cultural Expressions (CIDEC), which was held on February 2-3, 2011 in Québec City, with the support of the International Organization of La Francophonie and the collaboration of UNESCO. This Conference brought together some two hundred and fifty participants, parliamentarians from the French-speaking world, experts from the cultural sectors and observers hailing from interparliamentary organizations and civil society. Continue reading “The Interparliamentary Conference on the Diversity of Cultural Expression”

A Blueprint for Parliamentary Reform in British Columbia

This entry is part 2 of 12 in the series Vol 34 No 3 (Autumn)

A Blueprint for Parliamentary Reform in British Columbia

Several years have passed since institutional reforms were last undertaken in British Columbia. Most recently, changes were made in 2005 to lengthen question period from 15 to 30 minutes, allow more Private Members’ Statements, and create an Opposition-held position of Assistant Deputy Speaker. Before that, notable changes were made in 2001. These included the establishment of set dates for general elections and budget day, a legislative calendar, and the introduction of Private Members’ Statements. This article looks at other areas for potential reform in BC and other legislatures. It focuses on legislation, estimates and parliamentary committees.

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Reflections on the Speakership

This entry is part 3 of 12 in the series Vol 34 No 3 (Autumn)

Reflections on the Speakership

The effectiveness of the Speaker rests to a large extent on his or her perceived impartiality. The Speaker must be prepared to function as an adjudicator and even as a peacemaker. He or she must vigorously defend the rights and privileges of all Members, individually and collectively, without exception. He or she must listen actively and ensure that any decision is manifestly well-founded on the merits of the particular case and on the rules, jurisprudence and conventions. The rules must be applied to everyone, without exception. This article reflects on the key themes of a successful Speakership, particularly during a period of minority government.

The Newfoundland and Labrador House of Assembly

This entry is part 4 of 12 in the series Vol 34 No 3 (Autumn)

The Newfoundland and Labrador House of Assembly

The purpose of this paper is to describe and analyze the Newfoundland and Labrador House of Assembly to increase public awareness of its procedural functions and provide the basis for a comparative analysis with other legislatures. The article includes a history of the legislature; the socio-demographics of MHAs; the resources of MHAs and party caucuses; and the relationship between government and opposition. The analysis includes the role of the Speaker, legislative committees, the procedure for bills, and the difficulties of mounting an effective opposition amidst lopsided majority governments.

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