Common Seat Allocation Methods in Proportional Representation Systems and a Novel “Priority Allocation by Rank” Method

This entry is part 3 of 8 in the series Vol. 47 No. 2 (Summer)

Common Seat Allocation Methods in Proportional Representation Systems and a Novel “Priority Allocation by Rank” Method

There are many examples of elections in Canada in which the successful parties who formed government earned a majority of seats that were disproportionate to their proportion of the vote. Some argue these outcomes signal the need to transform to a system of proportional representation. Several types of proportional representation systems exist. In some of those systems, determining how seats should be distributed among parties requires applying some form of seat allocation method. This article discusses two such methods, the largest remainder and highest average methods, and presents a novel method developed by the author, referred to as “priority allocation by rank.” Voting results from British Columbia’s 2020 election were used to create a hypothetical election scenario for the purposes of comparing seat allocations produced by these three methods. The results suggest that the priority allocation by rank method has potential to be a viable alternative to the other two methods.

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The Medium is the Message: Usage of Messaging Apps by Parliamentarians and their Staff

This entry is part 4 of 8 in the series Vol. 47 No. 2 (Summer)

The Medium is the Message: Usage of Messaging Apps by Parliamentarians and their Staff

The days of hushed huddles and paper note passing between MPs appear to be coming to an end. The use of messaging apps by parliamentarians and staff have permitted instantaneous communication between people on the Hill and beyond without anyone ever needing to leave their seat. But do parliamentarians and their staff believe this new technology has changed their work for the better or the worse? In this article, the author uses interviews with MPs and staff from all recognized parties in the House of Commons to analyze how and why they use and choose specific messaging apps. Although there are clear benefits of having open channels to communicate among and between staff and parliamentarians, concerns over information security, work-life balance, and the growing influence of the Leader’s and Whip’s office were identified by interviewees.

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Adjusting Federal Electoral Boundaries in Canada: Redistribution 2022

This entry is part 3 of 11 in the series Vol. 47 No. 1 (Spring)

Adjusting Federal Electoral Boundaries in Canada: Redistribution 2022

This article describes the general process of decennial federal electoral boundaries redistribution in Canada under section 51(1) of the Constitution Act, 1867 and the Electoral Boundaries Readjustment Act, which takes about two years from when the Chief Electoral Officer calculates the number of MPs per province to when the Governor General proclaims the Representation Order.

J.W.J. Bowden

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When Electoral Boundaries Readjustment Comes to PROC

This entry is part 4 of 11 in the series Vol. 47 No. 1 (Spring)

When Electoral Boundaries Readjustment Comes to PROC

Changes to Canada’s federal electoral boundaries affect every person living in a particular riding. Yet, the process for changing boundaries occurs only once every 10 years. As such, a generalized unfamiliarity tends to exist among the public, as well as members of Parliament, about how the process functions and unfolds. There is only an upside to having every Canadian gain a better understanding of the steps that are taken to determine in what riding they will live, and who else will reside in that riding with them. In this article, the author first explains how this process unfolds under Canada’s Electoral Boundaries Readjustment Act (EBRA), including the important role played by the House of Commons Standing Committee on Procedure and House Affairs (PROC). He then offers some observations about the 2022 readjustments.

Andre Barnes

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The Surprising Case of Public Participation and Social Media Usage in Canada’s Redistribution Process

This entry is part 5 of 11 in the series Vol. 47 No. 1 (Spring)

The Surprising Case of Public Participation and Social Media Usage in Canada’s Redistribution Process

During each electoral boundary redistribution process, members of the public are invited to provide feedback to the commissions’ proposed reforms to federal electoral boundaries. While participation rates in public consultation processes during the 20th century are reportedly low, little research has examined participation rates in the 21st century. Additionally, how public participation has been affected by the creation of redistribution social media accounts for the 2023 process is not yet understood. This article seeks to address these gaps. The results show that while (formal) public participation in the process has increased in the 21st century, a closer examination of the data shows there has been a mild decrease in participation for 2023 in comparison to 2013. However, if comments submitted through social media to the commissions are included, then participation rates for the 2023 process increase substantially compared to past decades.

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Public Involvement in Redistribution: A Reflection

This entry is part 6 of 11 in the series Vol. 47 No. 1 (Spring)

Public Involvement in Redistribution: A Reflection

The Canadian Constitution requires that federal electoral districts be reviewed after each decennial census to reflect population changes. This process, known as redistribution, has two phases: representation and readjustment. Public participation is a crucial stage in the readjustment process. The Electoral Boundaries Readjustment Act requires each boundary commission to hold at least one public hearing in the province after the boundary commission develops an initial map proposal. This article offers a reflection on the involvement of the public in the most recent redistribution process. The data in this paper is collated from the 2022 reports of the 10 boundary commissions; data collected from the 2012 redistribution is also used as context. The starting place for analysis will be the work of John Courtney where he draws several conclusions about the involvement of the public in his foundational analysis of boundary commissions prior to 1994. Since it has been almost 20 years since the publication of these works, this gives us an opportunity to reflect on those conclusions using the most recent processes.

Tamara A. Small

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The Right to Effective Representation: Nova Scotia’s Exceptional Constituencies Model and the Chéticamp Region

This entry is part 7 of 11 in the series Vol. 47 No. 1 (Spring)

The Right to Effective Representation: Nova Scotia’s Exceptional Constituencies Model and the Chéticamp Region

This article explores the current debate in Nova Scotia over whether to create a so-called protected, or exceptional, provincial constituency for the Acadian population of Chéticamp. In addition to having been a controversial issue before the most recent provincial Electoral Boundaries Commission, the matter is currently before the Supreme Court of Nova Scotia. The author contends that this matter raises fundamental questions about both the normative and institutional requirements of the right to effective representation as guaranteed by the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms. The article addresses these issues by analyzing the model Nova Scotia has implemented to ensure effective representation of Acadian and African Nova Scotians. The author concludes the analysis by explaining why he believes a protected constituency for the Acadian region of Chéticamp is consistent with Nova Scotia’s model of effective representation.

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Voter Parity and the Quest for Effective Representation in the Yukon

This entry is part 8 of 11 in the series Vol. 47 No. 1 (Spring)

Voter Parity and the Quest for Effective Representation in the Yukon

In 2018, a bill attempting to establish new electoral boundaries in the Yukon following the recommendations of an electoral district boundary commission was defeated at second reading. As a result, the electoral boundaries in the territory remain the same as the ones established in 2008 despite population changes which have created significant variance within some of these districts. Legislation to establish boundaries recommended by a newly created electoral district boundaries commission will need to pass by spring 2025 if they are to be in place in time for the next general election (scheduled for November 3, 2025). In this article, the author describes the history of electoral district boundary commissions in the territory since the advent of partisan politics, explains why the recommendations in 2018 were not accepted, and outlines what he believes to be the two primary considerations the new commission must reconcile: providing fair and effective representation for rural communities and ensuring voter parity for Whitehorse area districts.

Floyd McCormick

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Between Freedom of Expression and Cyberviolence: The Use of Social Media and its Effects on Political Engagement

This entry is part 2 of 11 in the series Vol 46 No. 4 (Winter)

Between Freedom of Expression and Cyberviolence: The Use of Social Media and its Effects on Political Engagement

Senate Public Bills as “Excellent Policy Value” for Canadians

This entry is part 3 of 11 in the series Vol 46 No. 4 (Winter)

Senate Public Bills as “Excellent Policy Value” for Canadians

Debates over the legitimacy of the Canadian Senate have been ongoing since its creation. In a democracy, should an unelected body have and wield the power to amend or defeat legislation emerging from an elected body? Should senators restrict themselves to sober second thought that is akin to administrative compliance officers, or should they be proactively legislating on issues of concerns to Canadians? In this article, the authors suggest that recent reforms to the Senate’s appointment process and the emergence of a significant number of senators without partisan affiliation present an opportunity to demonstrate the upper chamber’s utility to public policy creation. The authors point to Senate public bills (SPBs) as a tool to advance important policy ideas that may not otherwise be top of mind to the government of the day. Although SPBs were in existence and widely used prior to recent Senate reforms, the authors contend the non-partisan origins of many recent and current SPBs mean they may have different benefits, including: actualizing or accelerating the realization of specific government proposals included in electoral platforms or ministerial mandate letters; tackling policy blind spots and emerging issues that the government fails to address; and drawing attention to, and initiating public debate on, novel ideas, long-term legislative evolution, or politically difficult topics to expand the “Overton Window” in Canada. The authors conclude that SPBs offer “excellent policy value” for Canadians and, if not stymied by internal vetting or horse- trading politics, could go a long way to moderating public cynicism about partisan politics.

Hon. Julie Miville-Dechêne, Hon. Ratna Omidvar, Jérôme Lussier and Paul Faucette

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