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A Tribute to Gary Levy

This entry is part 10 of 13 in the series Vol 36 No 4 (Winter)

A Tribute to Gary Levy

After 30 years, Gary Levy is retiring as Editor of the Canadian Parliamentary Review. This current edition is the last issue to be edited by him. Gary has been the first and only Editor of the Review and it has been through his efforts that it has grown and developed into the respected and renowned journal that it is across the country and throughout the Commonwealth. It is a source of pride for the Canadian Region of CPA to see how much the Review is read and esteemed by loyal readers everywhere.

We all know how hard Gary worked in seeking out countless articles highlighting various issues related to Parliament and the Legislatures that otherwise might not have been published in the CPR. The Editorial Board owes him a great debt of thanks for building an interest and appreciation for the work of Canadian Legislatures. The CPR under his Editorship filled an important niche by providing a vehicle for Canadian legislators to publish essays and studies relevant to other legislators, while also incorporating articles of interest to the academic community and to the general public who follow the activities of our Legislatures.

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Parliamentary Bookshelf Vol 36 No 4

This entry is part 11 of 13 in the series Vol 36 No 4 (Winter)

Parliamentary Bookshelf

The Voice of the Backbenchers: The 1922 Committee By Philip Norton, Conservative History Group, London, 2013, 86 p.

Canada and the United Kingdom supposedly share a similar form of government known as the Westminster Model but the argument can be made that we follow it in name only. The reason is not our federal constitution or the limits on parliamentary sovereignty imposed by the Canadian Charter and the Supreme Court or any other obvious constitutional distinction.

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CPA Activities: The Canadian Scene Vol 36 No 4

This entry is part 13 of 13 in the series Vol 36 No 4 (Winter)

CPA Activities: The Canadian Scene

CPA Canadian Regional Seminar

The 35th Canadian Regional Seminar of the Commonwealth Parliamentary Association was held in St. John’s, Newfoundland from October 31 to November 3, 2013. The Seminar included five business sessions over two days.  A total of 43 delegates participated including representatives from the House of Commons, each of the ten provinces and one of the territories (Nunavut). The host for the Seminar was Ross Wiseman MHA, Speaker of the House of Assembly, Newfoundland & Labrador.

The first business session dealt with Urbanization and Demographics. The presenter was Dr. Robert Greenwood from the University of Warwick. He has served as a Director and Assistant Deputy Minister of Policy in Economic Development departments in Newfoundland and Labrador and in Saskatchewan and has taught, consulted, published and presented extensively on the issues. The Chair of the session was Douglas Horne, Deputy Speaker of the British Columbia Legislature.

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Reflections on Politics and Gender

This entry is part 1 of 11 in the series Vol 36 No 3 (Autumn)

Vol 36 No 3Reflections on Politics and Gender

This article looks at factors that determine the number of women in politics. It suggests that family influence and role models are important. It also outlines some personal experiences that culminated with the election of Alberta’s first female Premier.

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Empowering Ontario Legislators

This entry is part 2 of 11 in the series Vol 36 No 3 (Autumn)

Empowering Ontario Legislators

Members of Provincial Parliament are elected to represent their constituents, fight on their behalf in the Legislature and in Government and to legislate on issues of local importance. Despite their job description, Members are not always able to represent their constituents as well as they might. The practises and Standing Orders of the House make representing local constituents difficult. Changes could be made to the Standing Orders to enable local representatives to put their constituents first.

The first area we should look at relates to Private members’ Bills. A number of surveys have shown that people have little faith in Government’s ability to fix problems; it’s not hard to see why. In a previous era, Private Member’s Bills throughout the Commonwealth were used to cause sea changes in the law.

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Electronic Petitions: A Proposal to Enhance Democratic Participation

This entry is part 3 of 11 in the series Vol 36 No 3 (Autumn)

Electronic Petitions: A Proposal to Enhance Democratic Participation

Declining rates of political participation demand practical reforms to enhance citizen engagement in our democratic institutions. Tabled in the House of Commons on February 13, 2013, Motion 428 aims to modernize and improve Canada’s antiquated paper-based petitioning process by establishing a system for electronic petitions. It further proposes allowing petitions to trigger short debates in Parliament if they receive a certain threshold of signatures from the public and are sponsored by at least five Members of Parliament. After providing comparative information on similar reforms implemented in other jurisdictions, this article argues that empowering citizens to initiate and sign petitions online will make our democracy more accessible, participatory, and responsive. It concludes with a brief discussion of the prospects of success for a motion submitted by an opposition Member during a period of majority government.

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Challenges for Women in Politics

This entry is part 4 of 11 in the series Vol 36 No 3 (Autumn)

Challenges for Women in Politics

This article looks at some of the reasons that have tended to discourage women from running for elected office and why increased participation is desirable.

In our Canadian Parliament, only 24% of elected parliamentarians are women. In 2007, in Manitoba, we hit the magical number of just over 30% of elected legislators being women. In the 2011 election, however, it fell to 27% – we lost ground. Overall, women hold only about 20% of all seats in parliaments globally. But, it is not just in politics where the numbers of women are low. In Canada, only 10% of directors of public company boards are women, and only 29% of senior managers in Canada are women.

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Canada and the Global Network of Parliamentary Budget Officers

This entry is part 5 of 11 in the series Vol 36 No 3 (Autumn)

Canada and the Global Network of Parliamentary Budget Officers

Many countries are considering the formation of Parliamentary Budget Offices to improve transparency in the budgetary process. They face stiff resistance from key political stakeholders. The divergence of opinion between PBOs and other branches of government has at times put the very existence of the institution at risk, and the very credible threat of reprisals by other governmental institutions through funding cuts, staff removal, or outright institutional abolishment have hung over PBOs like a perpetual Sword of Damocles. In order to promote collaboration among Parliamentary Budget Officers a conference was held in Montreal in June 2013. It consisted of a comprehensive series of lectures, workshops, group reflections, case clinics and debates that allowed participants to coalesce into an extremely active and highly motivated community. The PBO delegates to the seminar agreed to form a symbiotic group, henceforth known as the Global Network of Parliamentary Budget Officers (GNPBO), that would allow for dynamic information-sharing between members using a variety of cutting edge tools and collaborative mechanisms. This article looks at the key role Canada played in the seminar and the establishment of the GNPBO.

In the words of Sahir Khan, Assistant Canadian Parliamentary Budget Officer for Expenditure and Revenue Analysis, the PBO is an institution that can be likened to bitter medicine that faces stiff initial resistance from the legislative organism that it is trying to heal. The PBO will find political ‘antibodies’ pushing back this ‘foreign invader’ because of its astringent effects in the short-run, even though the legislature will be strengthened by a healthy dose of the Budget Office in the long-run. Furthermore, the PBO is an institution that speaks an alien tongue in the political arena: its vernacular is economics and finance, but it speaks to an audience that is accustomed to a political and legal orientation. Additionally, as political space is an inherently zero-sum equation, any political room that a PBO can gain as an institution has to come at the expense of some other political actor, which means that every inch of political space that it wrests away ‘encroaches’ on a previously entrenched political entity. In effect, the salubrious long-term benefits of the PBO are oftentimes ignored by parties that view the PBO as a disruptive force within the political paradigm, and Canada has been no exception to this phenomenon.

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Racial Diversity in the 2011 Federal Election: Visible Minority Candidates and MPs

This entry is part 6 of 11 in the series Vol 36 No 3 (Autumn)

Racial Diversity in the 2011 Federal Election: Visible Minority Candidates and MPs

The 2011 federal election was notable in many respects. The Liberal party won the fewest seats ever in its long history. The New Democratic Party elected its largest ever contingent of MPs enabling the party to form the official opposition for the first time. Another development was the first-ever direct election of a Green Party candidate. The election also produced record levels of gender and racial diversity within Parliament. When the votes were finally tallied, 76 women had won their way into the House of Commons, an increase of seven over the number elected in 2008. This article focuses on visible minority representation which also attained a high water mark in the 2011 election.

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