Indigenous Languages in Parliament: Comparing Canada and Australia

This entry is part 5 of 13 in the series Vol 43 No 4 (Winter)

Indigenous Languages in Parliament: Comparing Canada and Australia

In 2018, a committee of the Canadian House of Commons conducted an inquiry into how it might better incorporate Indigenous languages in its proceedings. One witness in that inquiry gave evidence from over 15,000 kilometres away, in the Northern Territory of Australia. While many of the challenges faced by speakers of Indigenous languages in Canada and Australia are very different, it appears that each jurisdiction might have something to learn from the other – as indicated by the knowledge shared in 2018. This article advances the project of comparing the Canadian and Australian approach to incorporating Indigenous languages in federal and sub-federal parliamentary proceedings. The analysis will touch upon the symbolic importance of facilitating Indigenous language use in parliament, the practical benefits flowing from the same, and the logistical issues – including interpretation, translation, recording and funding – that arise.

In May 2017, Robert-Falcon Ouellette gave a speech to the Canadian House of Commons on violence within Indigenous communities. Ouellette spoke in Cree, because he wanted to “address the violence in a manner that would be noticed” and to reach the younger population.1 Although Ouellette had contacted the relevant parliamentary office ahead of time and provided the English text of the speech, no simultaneous interpretation was offered from Cree to English. Although Ouellette’s use of Cree did not contravene the Standing Orders, it highlighted the fact that no mechanism existed to have his words simultaneously interpreted so that other Members could understand him. After the speech, Ouellette objected to the status quo and the Standing Committee on Procedure and House Affairs conducted an inquiry into the use of Indigenous languages in House Proceedings and Committees.2 During the course of that inquiry, the Committee received testimony for 31 witnesses, the last of whom gave evidence from some 15,000 kilometres away in Australia. That witness – Michael Tatham, Clerk of the Legislative Assembly of the Northern Territory – explained the extent to which Indigenous languages were then accommodated within the Northern Territory Parliament. This distant Australian witness’ appearance before the Committee, and the inclusion of his evidence in the final report, suggests that – as much as there are significant differences between the obstacles to Indigenous parliamentary involvement in Canada and Australia – there are also potentially some shared experiences. In this article, we hope to outline the current position in Australia with respect to the use of Indigenous languages in Parliament, touching upon the symbolic importance of facilitating Indigenous language use, the practical benefits flowing from the same, and the logistical issues – including interpretation, translation, recording and funding – that arise. In the course of our discussion we focus in particular on recent developments and, where possible, we drawn on comparisons with the Canadian experience.

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Are Backbenchers’ Interventions Gendered?

This entry is part 4 of 13 in the series Vol 43 No 4 (Winter)

Are Backbenchers’ Interventions Gendered?

When women backbenchers participate in Question Period and Private Members’ Business, are their interventions gendered? Are they more likely than men to address stereotypically feminine issues and less likely to address stereotypically masculine issues? In this article, the authors investigate these questions by analyzing all of the interventions in Question Period and Private Members’ Business by backbenchers in the 42nd Parliament between September 16 and December 13, 2018. Using software to code the interventions, they determined that the gendered division of labour on stereotypically feminine issues was much more evident in Question Period than Private Members’ Business. While women were no less likely than men to address stereotypically masculine issues, they were more likely than men to intervene on matters considered stereotypically feminine. The authors conclude that judging what these patterns of gendered interventions mean for our political culture and institutions depends on a person’s perspective.

Introduction

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Navigating Party Discipline

This entry is part 3 of 13 in the series Vol 43 No 4 (Winter)

Navigating Party Discipline

Parliamentarians are rarely forthcoming about the furtive phenomenon of party discipline. A recent public event at Memorial University of Newfoundland brought together four political mavericks to discuss their experiences with the constraints of party discipline. Two of them were sitting members of parliamentary assemblies who in 2019 accomplished the rare feat of being elected as an Independent. The discussion was moderated by the Samara Centre for Democracy.

On February 6, Memorial University hosted a public discussion called “Navigating Party Discipline,” sponsored in part by the Royal Society of Canada. Moderated by the Samara Centre for Democracy’s Michael Morden, the St. John’s event brought in a 300-person audience for a frank discussion with four politicians who have experienced first-hand the harsh reality of party discipline in Canada.

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Manitoba’s Milestone Anniversaries

This entry is part 2 of 13 in the series Vol 43 No 4 (Winter)

Manitoba’s Milestone Anniversaries

Manitoba celebrated its 150th anniversary as a province in 2020. The year also marked the 100th birthday of the province’s legislative building. In this article, the author outlines the planned year-long festivities – which were postponed to 2021 due to the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic – and other projects in celebration of these anniversaries.

December 14, 2019 officially kicked off what was to be a year of celebration for Manitoba’s 150th anniversary and the Manitoba Legislative Building’s 100th birthday. Manitoba 150 hosted a free family friendly event outside the Legislative Building that featured snowmobile acrobatics, entertainment for families, and over 300,000 LED lights on and around the Manitoba Legislative Building.

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The Smallwoods in the Newfoundland and Labrador House of Assembly

This entry is part 1 of 13 in the series Vol 43 No 4 (Winter)

The Smallwoods in the Newfoundland and Labrador House of Assembly

In a place known for asking “who’s your father?” in order to determine where you fit in the fabric of the province, it’s no wonder that our House of Assembly has seen so many examples of family ties between Members since the first sitting in 1833. The present Assembly alone has at least 9 out of 40 Members who have familial relationships to current or past Members. One of our earliest post-Confederation relationships was between the Smallwoods.

Across Newfoundland and Labrador, the surname Smallwood brings a clear image to mind – complete with dark-rimmed glasses and a colourful bowtie. Premier of Newfoundland and Labrador from 1949 to 1972, Joseph R. Smallwood remains a household name and a pop culture icon. What may not be as well-known is that his son William R. Smallwood followed in his father’s footsteps in 1956 when he became a Member of the House of Assembly at the age of 28 in Smallwood’s Liberal government.

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How the Legislative Assembly of Ontario Responded To The COVID-19 Pandemic

This entry is part 11 of 14 in the series Vol 43 No 3 (Autumn)

How the Legislative Assembly of Ontario Responded To The COVID-19 Pandemic

Unplanned business interruptions can occur at any time. Having a Continuity of Operations Plan (COOP) helped the Legislative Assembly of Ontario ensure that it had the resources and information required to mitigate and respond to the COVID-19 emergency and to enable resilience and resumption of on-site service delivery. In this article, the author(s) explain how the Assembly’s business continuity planning helped staff navigate the challenging circumstances around the unfolding COVID-19 pandemic and how resumption planning is being used to return to more normal operations.

Hugh McGreechan, William Short and Wendy Reynolds

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Canada’s Library of Parliament: Serving Through the COVID-19 Pandemic

This entry is part 10 of 14 in the series Vol 43 No 3 (Autumn)

Canada’s Library of Parliament: Serving Through the COVID-19 Pandemic

When the pandemic was declared, the Library of Parliament reacted quickly to identify ways to serve clients and contribute to parliamentary democracy, while respecting public health guidelines and safeguarding employees’ health. With the strategic priorities of relevance, agility and a healthy workplace, and a strong foundation when the pandemic started, the Library launched new and enhanced products while continuing to deliver most existing services. In this article, the authors note the institution’s success mainly reflects three factors: committed, adaptable and resilient employees; collaboration with Parliament Hill partners; and a workforce largely equipped to telework.

They explain that the Library continues to evaluate what has worked well and what has not, and where additional investments would help ensure and enhance its ability to serve clients, regardless of their – or the Library staff’s – work location or of public health or other conditions. They conclude that the Library is confident that the innovation, creativity and flexibility engendered by this crisis will be a lasting legacy.

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The National Assembly in the Time of COVID-19

This entry is part 9 of 14 in the series Vol 43 No 3 (Autumn)

The National Assembly in the Time of COVID-19

The National Assembly of Quebec was one of many Canadian parliaments that had to confront the challenges presented by the COVID-19 pandemic. In this article, the author outlines the steps taken to ensure parliamentary activities could continue and what temporary – and longer-term – changes were made to respond to the directives of public health officials.

François Paradis
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External Shocks and Westminster Executive Governance: New Brunswick’s All-Party Cabinet Committee on COVID-19

This entry is part 8 of 14 in the series Vol 43 No 3 (Autumn)

External Shocks and Westminster Executive Governance: New Brunswick’s All-Party Cabinet Committee on COVID-19

This research note compares the responses of Canadian provincial cabinet governments to the 2020 COVID-19 pandemic health crisis with a focus on New Brunswick’s unique and somewhat exceptional formation of an all party cabinet committee on COVID-19 in March 2020. The article reviews the responses of provincial cabinets to the pandemic with special attention to their relationship to opposition parties and leaders. While the Savoie thesis has dominated Canadian understanding of cabinet governance, we suggest that centralization of power is only one likely feature and not the dominant feature of cabinet government. With our findings of the current cases, we argue that the defining characteristic of cabinet government in Westminster systems is its “flexibility of method”1
and “capacity for change”.2

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The Impact of the COVID-19 Pandemic on Canadian Parliamentary Political Staffers

This entry is part 6 of 14 in the series Vol 43 No 3 (Autumn)

The Impact of the COVID-19 Pandemic on Canadian Parliamentary Political Staffers

Like so many other Canadians, political staffers working for MPs and Senators on Parliament Hill and in constituency offices navigated some dramatic changes in their jobs in the early months of the global pandemic. In this article, the author reports on survey responses from 175 of these staffers and individual interviews with 10 MP staffers (representing all officially recognized parties in the House of Commons) and one Senate assistant. He notes that many staffers reported working longer hours and experiencing challenging work-life balance when working from home, frustration from the lack of information they received about government programs relating to the pandemic, and stress from the effects of isolation and fears about their health and safety when working from their offices. He concludes first by reiterating the important role political staffers, and particular frontline constituency office staff, play in assisting Canadians navigate the federal bureaucracy and, second, by cautioning parties and the parliamentary administration that counselling and services for staffers may be needed to minimize the harmful effects of this unprecedented period.

R. Paul Wilson
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